About CyprusForum

CyprusForum.com was established by Savas Savvides in 1996.

It was one of the first websites on the web.

It was also the first online (and offline) community that allowed Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots to come together and discuss possible solutions to the Cyprus problem.

Policy discussion

Housing Policy Ideas for Cyprus

The housing crisis cannot be solved by one dramatic measure. Cyprus needs a balanced package of practical reforms that increase supply, protect social cohesion, and help young families enter the housing market earlier.

  • Create a central housing authority. Establish one independent, coordinated body responsible for studying, planning, and managing housing policy across Cyprus.
  • Increase density in city centres. Allow higher building coefficients and more floors in central residential areas where roads, utilities, schools, hospitals, and services already exist.
  • Revitalise historic urban centres. Modernise planning rules and create small local funding mechanisms to promote town centres, improve foot traffic, and support local businesses.
  • Discourage idle urban land. Introduce tax disincentives for empty, unused plots in valuable areas so land is either developed, sold, or properly maintained.
  • Legalise more small housing units. Permit garages, rear buildings, and other auxiliary structures to be converted into small rental units, similar to “mother-in-law units” or auxiliary dwelling units.
  • Allow large homes to become two homes. Make it easier to divide oversized houses into two smaller homes with separate entrances, where safety and planning rules can be satisfied.
  • Improve transport and reduce congestion. Use targeted congestion charges in limited areas and hours, with all revenue dedicated to better public transport.
  • Connect affordable areas to jobs. Extend key road links and plan long-term light rail connections so people can live outside expensive centres while still reaching work easily.
  • Expand planning zones carefully. When agricultural land becomes residential, plan roads, plots, utilities, and access in advance instead of allowing fragmented development.
  • Share the public-created uplift in land value. When state decisions create major private land gains, part of that value should return to society through infrastructure or social housing.
  • Build mixed-income housing. Avoid concentrating low-income families in isolated projects. Affordable homes should be integrated into normal neighbourhoods and mixed developments.
  • Help first-time buyers with the deposit barrier. Use guarantees, subsidies, or mortgage-insurance-style tools so reliable young renters are not permanently excluded because they lack a 20% deposit.
  • Promote safer first-home mortgages. Encourage fixed-rate loans for first homes to protect families from sudden interest-rate increases and to reduce systemic risk for banks.
  • Improve financial literacy. Offer practical seminars so young couples understand loans, interest rates, guarantees, taxes, and the long-term obligations of home ownership.
  • Move quickly, but avoid unintended consequences. Housing policy must be careful and evidence-based, but delay also has a cost for real families who cannot wait indefinitely.

The guiding principle is simple: if we do not build, prices rise; if we do not plan, cities break down. Housing is not only an economic issue. It is a foundation for family life, social stability, and the future of Cyprus.

Cyprus problem

A Parallel Approach to the Cyprus Problem

After more than fifty years of division, the continued presence of the Turkish military in Cyprus, and countless rounds of negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations, it may be time to also explore additional parallel approaches toward a practical and durable settlement of the Cyprus problem.

Over the years, I have gradually come to believe that the Greek-Cypriot side should not remain exclusively reactive, waiting indefinitely for a comprehensive agreement negotiated entirely through external mediation. Instead, the Republic of Cyprus should consider developing and publicly presenting its own fair, realistic, and internationally compatible framework for a future settlement, and implement those aspects that can be implemented unilaterally, where appropriate.

Such a proposal should be concise, principled, and open to international feedback from governments, academics, institutions, legal experts, and civil society organizations across the world.

A possible introduction could read as follows:

“Given that the Turkish-Cypriot community remains under the effective military control of Turkey, and therefore may not always be able to express its views freely and independently, we, the Greek Cypriots, together with feedback and observations from both neutral and non-neutral international participants, present the following framework for discussion toward a fair and workable solution to the Cyprus problem.”

Core Principles of a Possible Framework

  • Full compatibility with the European Union. Any future settlement must be fully compatible with the laws, democratic principles, and human-rights framework of the European Union.
  • No permanent guarantor powers. Cyprus should function as a normal sovereign European state without permanent guarantor rights held by foreign countries.
  • Meaningful Turkish-Cypriot self-government. The Turkish-Cypriot community should enjoy substantial local autonomy and self-administration, comparable in spirit to arrangements such as Scotland within the United Kingdom.
  • Transitional security arrangements. As part of a transitional confidence-building period, Turkey could retain a military presence in a limited military base for a defined number of years, without permanent constitutional intervention rights or guarantor status.
  • Ministry of Turkish-Cypriot Affairs. A constitutionally protected Ministry of Turkish-Cypriot Affairs could be established with a guaranteed minimum budget tied to a percentage of national income. This would ensure long-term support for Turkish-Cypriot cultural, educational, linguistic, and religious institutions, while protecting minority rights from shifting political majorities.
  • Protection of property rights. The pre-1974 property rights of both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots should be recognized and respected. Refugees from both communities should have the right to seek restitution, return, compensation, exchange, or mutually agreed settlement mechanisms.
  • Shared ownership for post-1974 developments. In cases where land has been substantially developed after 1974, practical legal mechanisms should recognize both the original ownership claims and the rights created through subsequent development and investment, including co-ownership arrangements, compensation structures, or buyout procedures.
  • Humanitarian approach toward settlers. Turkish settlers currently living in Cyprus should be treated through a humanitarian and legally structured process, including incentives for voluntary return or long-term residency and work permits under clearly defined conditions.
  • Institutional safeguards against extremism. Both communities could have limited institutional safeguards regarding appointments to sensitive state positions in areas such as security, intelligence, policing, and defense, with carefully designed mechanisms that prevent abuse while promoting trust and stability.

A Different Philosophy

The central idea behind such an approach is simple:

Cyprus should not wait passively forever for the “perfect” diplomatic process to succeed. Instead, it should actively articulate a fair, democratic, European, and forward-looking vision for reunification, one that protects both communities, respects human rights, and creates a stable future for generations to come.

A workable solution cannot be built entirely on fear, historical grievances, or zero-sum politics. It must also be built on practicality, institutional trust, economic cooperation, and the understanding that Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots will continue to share this island long into the future.

Annual International Conference on the Cyprus Problem

Cyprus should also establish an annual international scientific and policy conference dedicated to the Cyprus problem, hosted under the auspices of universities, research institutions, and civil society organizations. Academics, economists, constitutional experts, urban planners, historians, diplomats, technologists, sociologists, and conflict-resolution specialists from around the world should be invited to participate openly and constructively.

The Cyprus problem has often been approached primarily as a diplomatic and political issue. However, many aspects of the problem, governance, security, property rights, economic integration, psychology, education, demographics, energy cooperation, transportation, and institutional design, are also scientific, legal, economic, and social questions that benefit from multidisciplinary analysis.

Such a conference would allow Cyprus to continuously generate new ideas, evaluate international best practices, and expose both communities to innovative approaches that may not emerge through traditional political negotiations alone. Over time, it could also help create a global intellectual ecosystem dedicated to peace, stability, and long-term cooperation in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean.